Whats To Write In A 50th Card

OR VISIONARY MISSION ...?

Questo è il quesito che mi resta dopo il I Congresso Nazionale del Popolo della Libertà.

Visionario lo sono sempre stato e, quindi, non mi trovo a disagio nelle visioni del futuro che sono state lanciate dal palco della Fiera di Roma, soprattutto da Gianfranco Fini.

Ed è su queste visioni che quelli come I have always fought against the crusade of freedom.

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Some visionary flash ...

Freedom of thought, religion, decision-making, expression of ideas ...

human freedom to be in first place in the scale of values \u200b\u200bwith its safeguard the dignity of every person ...

Plurality of ideas in a single center-right party that knows how to represent the diversity of the people and respond to the needs of people ...

courage in stating his own ideas even when they are a minority compared to the positions of others ...

end of the transition era of the Second Republic, and modernization of the state of Italian politics to the Third Republic ...

New phase of the constitution for the nation!

for North Freedom to succeed and freedom to the South to have the opportunity to succeed ...

Federalism as an opportunity for the North to grow again and also for the South to recover without any excuse ...

Real economy based on labor and production of consumer goods without the convoluted financial speculation ...

integration and interaction between people, lifestyles and ways of thinking, without fear of diversity of others ...

Attention to different cultures even in the exploitation of their culture ...

moral integrity, intellectual honesty, legality!

secular state and all forms of public administration as a distinction between temporal and spiritual authority!

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Visions ... content that I really enjoyed hearing these days in the founding Congress of the People of Freedom.

Nothing has changed, then, from what I've always thought it was necessary to build the future of my country, do not remain motionless in this ... not clinging to the past.

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The crusade continues ... and no matter if we visionary crusaders of freedom have been transformed into missionaries ...

abandon the helmet and the sword with which we have defended so far, the footsteps of our fathers and we wear the habit and sandals of the poor to push the plow until the final consecration of freedom ...

Long live Italy! Long live freedom!

Luigi Sabatini

Salaries For Hygienists In Canada

COSTITUENDUM ... Between secularism 'AND ETHICS. GIANFRANCO FINI THE INTERVENTION OF THE NATIONAL PEOPLE'S CONGRESS OF FREEDOM ', March 28, 2009

The recognition of the leadership of Berlusconi

thanks to the President of the Council Silvio Berlusconi, "for clarity and for the generosity with which in his speech yesterday, at a stroke wiped out cliches and malicious interpretations or interested, in some cases legitimate fears." So the House speaker began his speech thanking the audience of delegates for the applause which was accepted. "With the PDL comes a great subject of political people, a synthesis of different political histories and human assets," said Fini thanked Berlusconi for his "generosity" and for having recognized that "the PDL is not enlarged or only a Force Italy electoral cartel. " According to a number of Deputies, the new party will be "a major political actor of the people, a synthesis of values, stories, experiences, heritage, men and women with different stories, but they know that the common goal of politics with the 'p' capital, is the common good: free men and women who dream of a better Italy. "

The input to the referendum

In his speech Fini goes right to the heart of the work that the new political faces. In first place is surely the crux of the referendum. "It is good that the PDL in the coming weeks to discuss how to guide their vote in the referendum election in June," said Speaker of the House taking up the hope of stessoo Berlusconi for a two-party system. That referendum, Fini said, provide an "acceleration towards that system." "I do not know if the time is ripe, if there are conditions for bipartisanship - added the former Alliance leader - but the PDL can put the decision in its internal debate on how to behave in that referendum. Although this will result in the need to discuss, among us, and also with our allies. "The reference is to the League, contrary to the principle of the referendum:" The PDL will have to set your agenda is the debate on what attitude to take on the referendum "set for June 7 and that is" not a hiccup, "but an important point for the possible evolution of the two-party system.
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Building tomorrow's Italy
" A great plural party. "This is the PDL, according to Gianfranco Fini," not a sign electoral "born" thanks to the vision and lucid madness "of Silvio Berlusconi." We watch the Italy of tomorrow, we must build that Italy will - Fini said - must be able to govern but also to decide "." Reviving a great season constituent "is, according to Fini, the" great challenge "for the center must Poris two objectives: "to avoid the controversy continues" among institutional leaders who defend the constitution and the government is "right" calls for more powers to operate and also "call into the open left" on what are your proposals . Federalism institutional review of the bicameral system that is perfect and new form of government are the two key issues mentioned by the President of the Chamber.

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Modernizzare la Costituzione

Fini torna a insistere per una riforma della seconda parte della Costituzione chiedendo di "porre termine alla lunga transizione degli ultimi anni". "Dobbiamo riprendere - ha proseguito la terza carica dello Stato - il discorso troppe volte interrotto delle riforme istituzionali, indispensabili in un Italia che deve modernizzare la Costituzione". Non nella prima parte che "merita rispetto e ha assunto un valore che è di tutti gli italiani, ma la seconda parte si deve cambiare". Unica modifica nella prima parte della Costituzione deve essere, secondo Fini, l’inserimento di un riferimento all’Europa di cui "l’Italia is one of the founding fathers. "Either democracy is representative or ruler, and if it brings to its center of gravity only the appearance of representation without taking due account of the need to respond in real time challenges that are more compelling, is likely to appear not in tune with the deepest needs of a people. "

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Social economy and market crisis

A citation to the Book of Giulio Tremonti and the need to boost the economy of social market. Fini speaks of the economic crisis and the recipes that the center should put in place to overcome it. "This is not a crisis as the other is a structural crisis that calls into question the structure of capitalism, "said Fini criticizing capitalism without rules and stating that" the crisis has its roots in the fact that the economy had put down roots in finance. And 'the crisis of the ideology that Tremonti has called the Mercat. "One can not, however," that is reducing everything to laying blame for the banking and finance, "because without them the economy languishes. For Fini" the answer the crisis is the need for new rules and the reference value as a work "." Either the economy is likely to be social or antisocial. They are traditional values, there is nothing new under the sun. " Fini then reiterated the need for subsidiarity.

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The pact between North and South

"First, a compact between generations. We need to hear the fathers and sons on the same side of the fence." According to Fini, Prince task of the center is "to pass a welfare reform" and "protect the weak and provide them with more stability." Not only that. The third position in the State explained that "serves a social harmony: if we cut the grass under the feet of a left that lingers longer, we need to promote social harmony." Finally, said the chairman of the House, "is a covenant between north and south: the south is likely to pay more than the other crisis. We have to start from the social, not afraid at all the impact of fiscal federalism but the state has to be. What happened to Acerra is symbolic. When the state's south and is free from the scourge of waste the State maintains a positive presence. "Fini then concluded talking about the law:" If we the people of freedom, freedom means freedom from the gangs and the clientele ".

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The cultural crisis of the left

What is crossing the Italian left" is not a crisis of consensus, but una profonda crisi di idee e di valori di riferimento che deriva dal fatto che si è spenta da tempo quell’egemonia di gramsciana memoria che voleva che solo la sinistra fosse in grado di comprendere la società italiana e che quindi fosse capace di orientarne il cammino". Fini ha, quindi, spiegato che "se la chiave di lettura di questa crisi è giusto o perlomeno accettabile, bisogna fare un passo avanti: e significa declinare questa categoria di valori nella realtà nazionale". E l’Italia, ha spiegato, è un Paese dove "è forte il ruolo del pmi, dove il principale ammortizzatore sociale è la famiglia. Un paese dove c’è molto volontariato e associazioni no profit. E dunque - ha concluso il ragionamento - la risposta to the global crisis can be provided by foreign or unknown cultural categories to the left of the Italian and European culture. "

Integration and Immigration

" Do not be afraid of immigration, we are a nation of immigrants . Do not be afraid of foreigners, but driving this complex process, the integration means assimilation when there is no law. "We must, therefore, discuss to indicate" new ways to obtain Italian citizenship. "" We must not be afraid of the future "said Speaker of the House stressed the role of" core "of the school and training. He indicated la possibilità di chiedere "un giuramento sulla nostra Costituzione" ai nuovi cittadini. E non bisogna aver paura di discuterne, ha aggiunto Fini, perché "non si tratta di fughe in avanti o di strizzatine d’occhio alla sinistra, perchè è proprio questo che dobbiamo affermare: questi non sono temi su cui può parlare solo la sinistra".

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Laicità frutto di un cristianesimo maturo

"La società che verrà ha l’obbligo di essere laica", ha detto il presidente della Camera ammettendo che gli è capitato e gli capiterà ancora in the future to be in the minority in the PDL "even though on some major issues we have to get used to end up in different positions." "When I say secular - Fini said - is not to deny what the Church's moral teaching, the high social role that the Church has done, the contribution he has made to Italian identity." But to believe that "in defending the Christian roots of European identity in acknowledging his base and ask that institutions are secular there is no contradiction. Secularism is the separation of the two spheres, as is clear to Catholics more circumspect." So Fini has used the words dell'europarlamentare Mario Mauro, the only mention of the speech, to better explain the concept: "Secularism is the result of the maturity of Christianity because it clarifies what is Caesar's and what is God's guarantee Secularism is anti-ideological." Precisely for these purposes has asked Congress, the text of the law on living wills "passed the Senate, we are sure that is secular? When you require a prescription by law, we are closer to the state of ethics in the secular state." Fini has recognized that "it is a matter in which I happened to be in the minority in the PDL. But I do not regret." The Speaker said that "the secular nature of institutions is not for those who deny the Church's teaching, the high social role that plays. There contradictions between secular institutions seek and claim Christian roots. "

GIANFRANCO FINI

Queens Blvd Marriage Place

IDENTITY'! Roberto Menia

" Every political idea is a living organism.

parties are almost always destined to become great glorious dead. "

Filippo Tommaso Marinetti

speak to the future, do not forget to remember the past, but do not become victims!

We are looking too alle spalle e abbiamo perso l'opportunità di rivolgerci al presente per capire come dovremo essere in futuro... o come speriamo di poter cambiare il futuro.

Questo è il riassunto di quello che questi due giorni di congresso di Alleanza Nazionale mi hanno lasciato in animo.

Sabato dopo una lunga fase di interventi spenti e acritici, verso le 18.30, si è accesa in tutti i delegati al congresso la fiamma testimone del passato, dei valori, della storia, della memoria, quando un ben piazzato furlan, abituato a combattere per riportare al ricordo le ingiustizie subite dai nonni e dai genitori, con flebile voce, conteneva il suo dissidio interno ringraziando the Party for what the Party had won quoting phrases dannunziana memory.

RIGHT Only a man can have the courage to thank instead of asking on his personal dismay.

no coincidence that I wanted to dedicate a post at Roberto Menia, which in addition to the just applause of an audience (including myself) still looks to the past, deserves to be sued for being the only one who did not move between lines of the colonels.

I was convinced then that the step had become even harder, harsher ...

that the identity 'was only ferries for a week and then disperse in the sea of \u200b\u200bthe People of Liberty, that the identity 'was only written on paper, but, alas, that nothing in which dissolved in Roberto Menia even as we all want to dissolve.

Sunday, however, is on the true identity '.

Initially, at about 12:30 listening to the speech of Gianfranco Fini, who have chosen to publish in full in a post, in an almost disinterested, and I see in some of his words, almost a feeling of revenge against those who in the past has regarded as a duty, as should thank someone for not having considered a fascist.

Its seems a sad goodbye to passion, sentiment, political philosophy and the audience remains silent in the face of the tone of his ex-lessness capopopolo.

But at some point the ex capopopolo proves to be a modern leader, capable, futuristic, far-sighted to the point that I would almost want to apologize for being so retro for a moment, so conservative, so nostalgic.

The concepts expressed by Gianfranco Fini are simple, but clear, courageous, inescapable and irrefutable, summarize them in his own words:

"Ideas or assert themselves or are unable to win their battle.

There can be no arrogance, there must be humility.

Today we are called not to take a moment but to build it. Today we do not take a chance, we do not have a choice of timing, a strategy we are taking today, today we put a stone and we decide, we consciously do it, nobody forces us to put a stone in what is a act that certainly has historical significance not only for us, not just for our history, not only for our people, but for our country. We must be conscious of it.

To We have always been the North Star one and only one: the love for Italy, his love for the land of their fathers, the love for their country, wanting to give priority to the faction the nation, the desire to put before interest Specifically, a general interest.

must consider the party only a tool, not an end in itself. A party is never a value. A party is a means, a tool, a way by which we try to achieve a goal. The objective was, from the first moment, the love for our land, national reconciliation, greater social cohesion, a renewed Italy's international prestige. The declassified party to the instrument. Il partito inteso non come valore in sé ma come mezzo per raggiungere un fine.

Fiuggi ha rappresentato la nascita della destra post-ideologica. Di una destra che, rifiutando l´ideologia, in qualche modo condannava al passato e giudicava negativamente ciò che nel passato aveva rappresentato il tasso ideologico della destra politica. A Fiuggi non abbiamo fatto i conti con la nostalgia. A Fiuggi abbiamo fatto i conti con lo stato etico, che non appartiene a una democrazia, abbiamo fatto i conti con una concezione dell´economia di tipo corporativo che non appartiene ai tempi moderni, abbiamo archiviato una fase e abbiamo affermato la nostra volontà non di preservare delle memoria, compito quanto nobile quanto limitato a una political season. We have stated our willingness to begin to build the future.

And just because I believe that honesty is a must after a season at the same time when one phase ends and another opens, I have no hesitation in saying that we were not always more equal to the task of the culture of government so high, because in some cases not all of us were very clear that the culture of government does not mean the culture of power, does not mean the party as a means of conceiving of places of power or of sottopotere.

The fundamental value is the awareness of the primacy of human dignity. It is the main value that should be guaranteed and protected by political action. It is the state's authority, is the dignity of the person. And if the value in guiding policy is that it is obvious that the state can not restrict freedom. The State must in some ways enhance the freedom, the State must ensure that all the pursuit of freedom.

must return the focus to the economy what is the actual production of wealth. The economy can not be based solely on finance because at the same time he does it can cause immediate and easy enrichment and impoverishment as immediate and easy. But not only arricchimenti per pochi, impoverimenti per popoli interi.

Il Popolo della Libertà deve essere un contenitore ampio, arioso, plurale, inclusivo, interclassista, aperto, certamente unitario. Unitario però non può significare "a pensiero unico", perché c´è una contraddizione in termini tra popolo della libertà e pensiero unico. Unitario ma con la pluralità delle opinioni. Un partito certamente democratico, un partito in cui vi siano regole - e lo statuto che Ignazio La Russa ha letto dà queste garanzie - ma altrettanto certamente che mai e poi mai dovrà pensarsi e organizzarsi secondo la degenerazione della democrazia che è la correntocrazia.

Perché we must do the PDL? because we have to imagine Italy ten or fifteen years. And since we are a government force, we must begin to build it. How it works? Other evidence that memories of the past. It means being aware of the problems that the country has.

Italy in fifteen years is also conceived in its international role as a euro-Mediterranean role, because that is the fate of an Italian in European politics.

think an idea of \u200b\u200bItaly in the Mediterranean and think at the same time for the next ten years what will be the degree of cohesion Nord-Sud. The issue of our South can not disappear from the political debate. E lo voglio dire a scanso di equivoci: il pericolo non è il federalismo. Anzi, per certi aspetti il federalismo fiscale rappresenta un´opportunità di responsabilizzazione della classe dirigente meridionale. Forse, se ben attuato, il federalismo sarà proprio il grimaldello che farà saltare alcune logiche clientelari, alcune logiche para-mafiose. Ma il problema del nostro Sud è nella debolezza dello Stato.

E allora si tratta di un grande compito, immaginare l´Italia tra quindici anni e cominciare a costruirla. Un grande compito per un grande movimento politico, un grande movimento politico di popolo che certamente c´è, la percentuale di consenso è altissima, ma anche un movimento politico di idee, di proposte, di sintesi. E questa è la sfida. Non portare la nostra identità, non portare la nostra bandiera, ma portare la nostra capacità di leggere la società italiana e di individuare ciò che è necessario per dare una risposta ai problemi.

Ci dobbiamo mettere tutti in discussione, a partire da me. Sono cosciente, accetto la sfida. Tutti in discussione. Per qualcuno verranno meno le rendite di posizione, per qualche altro si apriranno delle opportunità forse inaspettate, positive, ma la sfida va affrontata. Siamo coscienti. Non dobbiamo aver paura nemmeno che questa alleanza, questo incontro, questo fatto storico possa in qualche modo annacquare l´identità, farcela perdere. C´è autoconsolatorio was a kind of mantra, which I have heard so many times. It is rightly so, but beware - my friends - there were some doubts in Fiuggi. Someone even went, because he thought it was impossible to keep creating an identity for the National Alliance. Then someone in the name of the identity sought other avenues have proved of lanes closed. Closed but not by the nomenclature, closed by the voters.

We have to worry about the identity of the Italians in ten, fifteen years because the North Star is that we mentioned at the beginning, the love for our land, love for our country, the challenge is quella: come sarà l´Italia tra dieci anni, quale sarà l´identità che avrà il nostro Paese. E dobbiamo cominciare a costruirla questa identità, coniugando modernità e tradizione che è da sempre, in qualche modo, il binario obbligato della destra italiana. E, badate, le sfide ci sono. Sono enormi. Io vorrei che il Pdl non si confrontasse tra ex An e Forza Italia e gli ex degli altri partiti, io vorrei che il Pdl cominciasse a tentare di fornire risposte ad alcuni problemi che bussano già alla porta, che in alcuni casi sono già entrati. Non è forse vero che la nostra società tra dieci, quindici anni sarà molto diversa da quella che è oggi? E che sarà per la prima volta nella storia del popolo Italian a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society? When you are confronted with the issue of immigration, it can not be done only with the logic - but right - most of those who want more order and security, then, that we necessarily want to be the expulsion of illegals.

There is a clear act in the crisis of liberal capitalism. It is unthinkable to the crisis of liberal democracies? Because who knows history knows that the two structures have been born and have grown together. And what's the answer that should come from Italy? An Italy that can not be merely a suburb, but should be back to the forge where ideas are born, the place that feeds a debate that is not only within national boundaries. And yet, there is a risk of social atomization. It is not only the cohesion debate on North-South, are increasingly close relations that bind together Italians, even the fathers to the children. It is essential that a common self-interest is opposed equally widespread practice of solidarity. And once again, is not a question of culture, is a political challenge. And how, as an initiative to translate it into law, so that the PDL is the pillar of the Italian Government and will be expected for the entire term and perhaps for the next. We can not manage a political consensus against the current opposition. Let to manage the consent of Dream of Italy tomorrow and if anything, proving that the current opposition does not know the answers to why you may not imagine it's Italy domani.Ecco are not easy challenges. They are certainly difficult challenges are challenges that can not be tackled with the self-referential logic of the party that has defined the scope of his consent. If the task had been to then we might as well keep An, is hope that the 12 becomes 13, 14. Not answer the challenge that the future already leads in every home and every home within the European Union with the logic of those who is still closely with the head in the last century. And it is a reason why we must overcome the Pillars of Hercules, we must think big, fly high. We must try to provide the answers the Italian company needs. You may obtain the consent of fueling the fear, you must obtain the consent by offering hope and the certainty with a coherent, able to build that future. I think this is the great task of the PDL, a great movement of people, which must be both a great movement of ideas. It will be the most difficult challenge: to demonstrate that not really changed much since 1946, but since 1994. In `94 we, the sons of the exiles to their homeland were called to deal with their passato.Oggi by players at home, we are called to begin An deal with the Italians tomorrow. It's a completely different perspective, is a great historical mission to be lived with enthusiasm, those who enter the PDL credono.Entrino those who really love Italy. Enter those who believe in the goodness of their and our ideas, so let me conclude with a slogan of our youth, with the simplicity and at the same time the effectiveness of the slogan: If you are afraid to say that ideas are worthless, or in which we believe is worth nothing or those who are afraid. Do not be afraid of the future, we must be aware of the possibility of building it right now. We must lay the heart beyond the obstacle, and work with the same tenacity with which we have done for so many years. Today ends the National Alliance, founded the People of Liberty continua il nostro amore per l´Italia."

E' per questo che da oggi guardo al futuro, grazie a Gianfranco Fini che come solo un uomo di DESTRA può fare ha avuto il CORAGGIO di dire quello che pensa e di dimostrare che persone come Roberto Menia sono tra i pochi sicuri di potersi confrontare con le sfide che il Popolo delle Libertà è chiamato a combattere, perchè ha idee, identità personale e coraggio delle proprie azioni.

Spero anch'io di essere in grado di non rivolgermi più al passato e di aiutare il Popolo della Libertà a costruire un futuro migliore per l'Italia.

LUIGI SABATINO

Black Spots On Legs After Waxing

... MILITANT PRIDE!

"I have what I won. I received more 'of what I won and I want to continue giving in the new party, but the feeling of political as self-giving 'and the service is encouragement for all of us to be worthy of those who have left us, they have sown and have not been able to collect, how we collect. "

said Roberto Menia, a member of AN and some critics of a route as too rushed towards the single party of the PDL, ripping a genuine ovation after his speech at the congress of AN at the Fiera di Roma.

's speech Menia, very involved and affected, 'was more' times applauded.

Several steps that have received the warm support of the audience: "When we started the way of the National Alliance was already 'a page difficult to close, but' we were going to build a house more 'great, a right plural and understanding. I believed in that dream but at the same time I was convinced we were beating us to the dance. " Continues today-Menia-take a position and 'lose out, being more' in favor of a federal road in the center, but I was and am convinced that we could get to what we are building through different paths, just a federated location.

Among other things, he said, are witnessing the paradox "that while at the institutional level we are moving towards federalism, on the political scene do an exact inverse riductio ad unum."

Menia and is 'not at all convinced that the path toward bipartisanship but above all, and' asked 'by what rules, how much of what we are doing and' really wanted to hear and share and not quite as inevitable? ".

Menia In his remarks did not deny that the circumstances require a swift reorganization, given that the center has to face elections soon pero 'stressed "this is really fast and I hope that is not dedicated to cry' Long live the parish 'but points to something more', ie the exploitation of identity'''.

Why 'I do not have this anxiety to melt into nothing.

I-went-that the People of Liberty is not only the title but also in internal rules.

I do not like to be an elected official appointed instead of 'elected and I believe in the party and who should emerge' more 'and not who is good and' more 'close to the light.

I do not think even that may be the group leader to vote per tutti", ha aggiunto, ricordando quanto affermato recentemente da Berlusconi durante l'assemblea dei parlamentari del Pdl allo scopo di velocizzare i lavori di Camera e Senato.

Al termine, la citazione tratta dall'epigrafe incisa sul Vittoriale dannunziano: "io ho quello che ho donato", che scioglie negli applausi e in un'emozione corale un'assemblea di un ultimo congresso che gia' qualcuno forse troppo frettolosamente aveva descritto come senza lacrime ed "ad occhi asciutti".

ORGOGLIO MILITANTE

Sample Business Referral Sayings

FUTURE ... Full text of Gianfranco Fini TO CONGRESS FOR AN III, March 22, 2009

Care delegates and dear delegates of the national congress of the National Alliance, a few days ago I was speaking to journalists a good prophet, but it was a safe bet: a bit 'of emotion there. There is in taking the floor after ten months since the last time to turn again to my party, all of you who represent the hundreds of thousands of members of the National Alliance, to address even through you to the millions of Italians over the years have given us so much confidence. There is this feeling, not only a natural feeling for me but also because it is quite clear that if one who was secretary of the Italian Social Movement and president of the National Alliance can now be presented to an audience with the title of president of the Chamber of Deputies, the third-ranking status, it is solely or largely because of the commitment, passion, dedication and sacrifice of all those who for so many years have given everything without asking anything. If our leaders can now turn to you and your many institutional members held posts, if they speak to this stage, the ministers, the mayor of Rome, men and women who shoulder significant institutional commitments, let us say with sincerity, let us remember with pride and with humility: we owe to a long and beautiful history of political engagement, in the highest sense of the word. And is the reason why I feel it is my duty to say thanks to all those who for decades whole, in every part of Italy, particularly in harsh and difficult moments, have always kept my back straight and have always had a big heart, big love for their land for our Italy.
The strength of the National Alliance, the strength of the right has always been this close relationship that has been created over time, that has changed, just as it was, with the evolution of the national situation, the social arrangements; here , we must remember, with humility without arrogance, but to make not only a duty but a sincere tribute, in this case, not of gratitude, but of sincere emotion to those who have not experienced the good times, to those who have closed their eyes before you see the right winner, to a lifetime for those who have hoped that this wish could become reality. This is not rhetoric, is awareness. And those who spoke yesterday and today, in case they wanted to pay tribute to our fallen and simultaneously to the foresight of our political masters. We must remember these things, we must remember that today, let us say with clarity and sincerity, it closes a stage, a long period in the history of the postwar political right. Now that the album, beautiful memories is also a symbol that has inspired, in some cases for decades, the political passion of many, many, many good people. Ricordiamocelo today with pride and humility at the same time, two words that are not in opposition to each other: the pride of knowing that if today we can speak to you as president, as mayor of Rome or as a minister of the republic, if today is carried out this act so solemn and important not because it was a gift from someone. There was no clearance, which is a word I do not like and I never liked it because it is on goods not cleared through customs ideas. The ideas or say or are not able to win their battle. And, we can say, we had these long years, the capacity to affirm those ideas. With humility, without any arrogance. There was no gift, there was the grace received, there was no clearance. There was lots and lots and lots of hard-traveled road. There can be no arrogance, there must be humility. Because we certainly have our gratitude to the voters and, as I shall demonstrate in the course of my speech, I must thank our allies in the last fifteen years. We have to remember this today with humility and with vision, with political intelligence, today we are going a step that is not only a solemn, demanding, important to our history. Today we can say of preparing a step that is important for the history of Italy.
has already happened, in the recent past, that our communities should demonstrate political maturity and awareness, the ability to capture a particular historical moment. This happened particularly in 1994 when the "pulping" of the first republic finally put the Italian right gathering consensus. It has been said and it is true that much of the history of the National Alliance was born when the nominations of members of the Italian Social Movement in municipal elections in Rome and Naples consensus reached unimaginable. That was a time when the right was able to seize a historic moment. This is a different time and in some ways more importante.Oggi we are called not to seize a moment, but to build it. Today we do not take a chance, we do not have a choice of timing, a strategy we are taking today, today we put a stone and we decide, we consciously do it, nobody forces us to put a stone in what is an act which certainly historical importance not only for us, not just for our history, not only for our people, but for our country. We must be conscious of it.
And, precisely because, as we wrote in a successful slogan of another conference, we, you, people with soul, people with passion, people with a desire to engage in things he believes, was not just create only in this beautiful convention but to all the meetings that preceded the conference, that of smaller section than that of all our associations. And it was fitting that in these assemblies, in this assembly, again and again the doubts were put to the ruling class, the question about the goodness of the choice that we are going to do and at the same time the reasons for it.
It has been said by many: where do we go? Why go there? And I think the answer is in some ways the most proper and necessary for those who had the responsibility to lead, but at the same time knows that the answer is not easy. You see, this rhetorical question does not have to some extent those who responded first to the congress opened. He did certainly Ignazio La Russa, whom I thank not only for the report but also to the commitment with which he governed the fate of the National Alliance in the last ten months. I know I have given to Ignacio no easy task for many reasons, but I also entrust the helm of the party in firm hands. He did, in some ways even more significant before him Servello Franco, a man who as Mirko Tremaglia is the continuity of a story. What they said, Franco Servello, Ignazio La Russa and Mirko Tremaglia with poignant reminder that in March? That the guiding star of the long journey of the Italian political right, since he founded the Italian Social Movement, which gathered the generation that has not surrendered until now, the guiding star has always been one and only one: love for Italy, his love for the land of their fathers, the love for their country, wanting to give priority to the faction the nation, the desire to put before a special interest, a public interest. It would be rhetorical, it would be historically incorrect if I say, "always has been." Sixty years of history have been years when there have been mixed, even in the Italian right. But there is no doubt that the North Star was that, my friends, who was in Fiuggi has very obvious and clear that part of that strategy began fifteen years ago the first link in a long chain. When in Fiuggi decided to leave the house of his father with tears, with all the pain that results in a fracture, when at that time We said with certainty that there we would never return. And I want to say today: we did it with conviction. There were many, among the observers, those who ask, but do it with conviction? They do it because they know they can be useful in terms of consent or do it because they are convinced of the goodness of some decisions and also some very definite opinions? Today I can say on behalf of all: we did because we were convinced. And we've demonstrated that belief in the most difficult, at times when there have been controversies, at times when we lost the election, when friends who were with us have made another choice, and if not gone . We have not gone back. That ring is a link in a long chain. And it is a ring that represented the first confirmation of a choice: to consider the party only a tool, not an end in itself. A party, put it very well Servello, is never a value. A party is a means, a tool, a way by which it seeks to achieve a goal. The objective was, from the first moment, the love for our land, national reconciliation, greater social cohesion, a renewed Italy's international prestige. The declassified party to the instrument. The party intended not as a value in itself but as means to an end. And if that was, and then the party could not live by ideology.
Fiuggi represented the birth of the right post-ideological. A right that, rejecting the ideology, in some way condemned to the past and what is judged negatively in the past had been the rate of right-wing ideology. A Fiuggi we did not deal with homesickness. A Fiuggi we come to terms with the state Ethics, which does not belong in a democracy, we did deal with a type of corporate conception of the economy that does not belong to modern times, we have filed a phase and we stated our intention not to preserve the memory task as noble as it is limited to a political season. We have stated our willingness to begin to build the future. And we did say clearly that there could be part of our militants no presumption of moral superiority toward others. Fiuggi was a turning point not only because we have come to terms with the past. Just because we agreed that the first value is the freedom of man, that democracy is the first value of the institutions, then we did not hesitate to meet with the facts, with sharp words, words of condemnation of Italian history between the two wars. But with this act we have banished the concept of superiority. We are not superior to others, there are no enemies. There are opponents. The task of the right was from that moment to initiate a policy aimed a costruire un presente migliore in vista di un futuro che lo fosse ancor di più. Abbiamo archiviato la lunga fase della cosiddetta "alternativa al sistema" e abbiamo iniziato a dar vita a un´azione politica volta all´ammodernamento del sistema italiano. Dalla logica del nemico alla logica dell´avversario. Così come disse, fra i tanti, con lucidità maggiore rispetto a quella di tutti gli altri, colui che è certamente uno dei padri della destra italiana negli ultimi quindici anni: Pinuccio Tatarella. Il nemico è colui che o sconfiggi o ti sconfigge. L´avversario lo puoi battere o ti può battere, ma il giorno dopo continua la competizione. Ci sono dei valori condivisi. Fiuggi non è soltanto la fine delle ideologie, la fine del nostalgismo. Fiuggi è una fase in cui si passa da un´alternativa a un sistema dei partiti, basata su una presunta quanto inesistente superiorità di tipo morale della destra a una fase in cui si cerca di costruire una democrazia dell´alternanza, un sistema bipolare. È la fase in cui si inizia a parlare di una destra che doveva dimostrare di avere cultura di governo anche quando gli elettori democraticamente gli assegnavano il ruolo dell´opposizione. E proprio perché credo che sia un dovere quello dell´onesta al termine di una stagione nello stesso momento in cui si chiude una fase e se ne apre un´altra, non ho alcuna esitazione a dire che non sempre siamo stati sempre all´altezza di quel compito così alto di cultura di governo, because in some cases not all of us were very clear that the culture of government does not mean the culture of power, does not mean the party as a way of conceiving of places of power or sottopotere. And I want to say with absolute sincerity: when I read - and I thank all the journalists who have written comments can be shared by those who wrote negative comments, always with intellectual honesty - that An, according to some, should not be dissolved because it could undermine the power to influence choices and even place their men in this or that board of directors, well let me say that if it did then we would really dissolve. Why National Alliance should not be a party of power, but a party with a culture of government. That is something completely different. There were lights and shadows. There was no moral superiority. There was maybe at some point, increased susceptibility to a culture of power. But there's no doubt who was in Fiuggi that threw the first seed of what later became the People of Freedom. The first seed because all Italians to rally in a post-ideological logic, a logic for the construction of the future, reveals a more modern, more of a democracy of the European Union. Were fifteen years with ups and downs, as is natural. But we must be proud because sono stati quindici anni di linea politica in qualche modo strategicamente orientata verso uno solo obiettivo. In questi anni il tatticismo ha prevalso nella politica italiana. Qualche volta, diciamolo, anche noi abbiamo fatto il peccato di privilegiare la tattica alla strategia, ma si è trattato di piccoli peccati lungo un percorso che al contrario è stato lineare. La strategia a Fiuggi è stata quella di far nascere l´alleanza nazionale, l´alleanza tra gli italiani e, oggi, si compie quel percorso. Quindici anni di coerenza strategica, quindici anni in cui abbiamo privilegiato alleanze rispetto a spinte isolazionistiche e identitarie, quindici anni in cui abbiamo perseguito l´obiettivo attraverso il sostegno a tutte quelle iniziative, a partire by referendum initiatives, designed to make irreversible the bipolar system and democracy of a more solid, fifteen-year alliance with the Friends of Forza Italy, fifteen years to support all efforts to deliver the party politics of the past, the proliferation of sides more or less identity, the ideological dell'armamentario veterans of the last century to build a new Italy. Fifteen years and has done well to remember Ignazio La Russa, the alliance with Berlusconi and Forza Italy in good times and bad. But always, however, established an alliance, because Berlusconi has represented him well said Alemanno, who has set in motion a policy that threatened to bog down, he represented the hopes and the fears of some Italians. He represented anything but a meteor, far from the leader of a party, plastic, anything but an incomprehensible approach to the eyes of Italians, because time is a gentleman, because democracy is the voters who give and take away the licenses. Italy was a new force in Italian political scene and because it was a novelty that had its roots in the past but somehow, just because of not having a past ideology, trying to manage the present and to build because of the its capabilities in the future, it was only natural that the National Alliance during these fifteen years gave a strategic alliance with Berlusconi's party.
We've had difficult times, we had ups and downs, but over a period of fifteen years this has changed Italian history, that never happened between us and Berlusconi's party there was the time of breaking incurable. It has happened with others. Some of this failure have not yet sewn together, others have this break metabolized and is returned to an alliance. What is certain is that between the Italian right and the party founded by Berlusconi's been a long haul because of misunderstanding, the fact of controversy, made of rough but also did a long thread: trying to build an Italy that was different that fosse migliore , che non avesse l´occhio proiettato verso il passato, che non avesse nostalgia di un centro in cui ogni mediazione è capace, non tanto di guidare la politica, quanto di ammorbidirne le asperità. Un´alleanza che che era finalizzata un progetto per il nuovo secolo. E oggi, dando vita al Pdl o vita al Pdl si compie l´ultimo anello di questa lunga strategia. Perché oggi, a mio parere, le condizioni ci sono? Innanzitutto perché questi quindici anni hanno reso possibile un´alleanza, non soltanto tra le classi dirigenti, che per certi aspetti è l´alleanza meno solida; in questi quindici anni è emersa un´alleanza di base tra gli elettori. È emersa un´alleanza fondata su valori condivisi. Il PDL seconds someone is born December 2, according to others in the April 13 polls: he was born still in the ballot box or in the streets does not matter, it is certain that he had a long period of gestation and preparation lasted fifteen years. The People of liberty was born in San Babila with so-called speech of steps. At that time Mr Berlusconi has had the ability, in the most acute phase of the clash with the National Alliance, to raise. He raised maybe when no one believed any more. But there is no doubt that this union between our people and voters of Forza Italy had established over fifteen years.
And why I say an alliance based on shared values? Why this is, In my view, the great difference that exists between the people of freedom and the other political party, the Democratic Party, which anticipated a more complete bipolarity through the meeting, the union's political history. It has been said the Democratic Party has created a cold fusion. The People of Freedom will be able to give birth to a hot melting, based on shared values? The question is legitimate but the answer is actually quite easy, obvious. Because today the PDL can be confident that this alliance now reach the last act, the most symbolic, that mostly involves the emotions, but it is natural to you very clearly what is happened in the last fifteen years. Because reference values \u200b\u200bare there and are the same. And are the values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party. What was the figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party? It was not only the issue of leadership is not accepted by all, having had a large endowment popular Walter Veltroni, the primaries. The figure of the political difficulties of the Democratic Party was in its European location. Unable to say what a great European family is going to place the new party that arise from insufficiently metabolized between political culture in Italy were not only different from each other but in some case alternatives. We'll see if Mr. Franceschini or dissolve this new stage manager node that is the political problem par excellence. Because in the very moment when Italian politics is more and more European, at the same time when the challenges are increasingly beyond national borders, it can not be credible at home if you say "we have created a great new party" , and then be in the uncertain position in Brussels as part of the great European families. There is a third way in Europe between the European Socialist Party and Popular Party europeo.Era the illusion that the PD was based on the inability to clearly explain what were the benchmarks, this difficulty we do not have one. We have difficulty in merging the organization, may have difficulty in this or that association, may have difficulty in emphasis or absence of certain arguments of policy priority, but there is no doubt that we have no difficulty in describing what are the benchmarks of the PDL. They are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the people of freedom, are the reference values \u200b\u200bof the European People's Party and the reference values \u200b\u200bare able to respond to those anxieties that not only Italian company, but the anxieties of Europe, the anxieties West.
Because today there are conditions for this new, great, adventure? Why the crisis Italian left is not so much crisis of consensus, the consensus comes and goes, in my view is a crisis of ideas. Why in the face of what are the new challenges that the future of the people at your door is the paraphernalia, luggage culturtale of the Left today shows that the rope. You realized that my friends in the past 15 years because she was born Fiuggi, not because she was born Forza Italy, but also for the AN and FI, in the last 15 years has disappeared from the lexicon of journalists, that phrase from the lexicon of politicians " cultural hegemony of the left "that Gramsci's time onwards had provided insurance for the Italian left of the possibility of having permission? The left italiana oggi è in crisi di idee, non è in crisi di organizzazione. Franceschini fa bene a dire, come ha detto ieri, che hanno un grande partito di sei-settemila circoli. Ma il problema di una grande forza politica, in un´epoca bipolare, con le sfide che oggi sono sulle spalle dell´Occidente, non è soltanto nell´organizzazione, è nelle idee. Ecco perché dobbiamo essere ottimisti sul nostro futuro.Perché se si va a scavare un po´ in quelli che sono i valori del partito popolare europeo, che poi dovremo declinare ovviamente secondo la nostra tradizione nazionale, allora bè forse si ha la risposta a quella che è la crisi dell´Occidente, l´ansia dell´Occidente.
Quali sono questi valori? Certamente awareness of the primacy of human dignity. It is the main value that should be guaranteed and protected by political action. It is the state's authority, is the dignity of the person. And if the value in guiding policy is that it is obvious that the state can not restrict freedom. The State must in some ways enhance the freedom, the State must ensure that all the pursuit of freedom. It is a conception of a cultural nature that has consequences when dealing with issues related to safety, relating to the legality. The iconography of the old law and order right now declined to be in a different way if you really believe that what we want is not the order the barracks, not the order imposed against freedom, but on the contrary that there is intimate that order in a society where it is cohesive defense and somewhat increased the dignity of the human person, the dignity of the human person as that is skin color, whatever you believe in God, whatever their social role. The primacy of human dignity. That concept that exists in the European People's Party and that is hard to establish itself in the Pd or the Party of European Socialists, on the need to create an action between the various institutional bodies and the various social bodies to be marked by that principle of subsidiarity which is not only the subsidiarity of vertical, horizontal subsidiarity is that which is absolutely necessary now that the state is no longer the juggernaut of the last century. And it is around these values \u200b\u200band others that you must then configure the action of a party, the PDL is able to answer to today's problems.
The other big question, that value is clear in the manifesto of the EPP , the cultural synthesis that already in Fiuggi we saw before others, that message through which you must claim a social market economy which is the synthesis of certain cultural traditions of the past century that have fallen into disuse because they continue to maintain their inner vitality. Today, what is it that sends a crisis many analysts linked to the schemes of the past? It is the dimension of the crisis, is the nature of the crisis. The economic crisis now comes primarily from the center of gravity that recently the market had moved on financial data. The financing of the economy has created the crisis. Which means that if you want to first give a message of hope but not only indicate a way out of crisis, must return the focus to the economy what is the actual production of wealth. The economy can not be based solely on finance because at the same time he does it can cause immediate and easy enrichment and just as easy and immediate impoverishment. But not only enrich a few and impoverishment for entire peoples.
And that idea of \u200b\u200beconomy where the market is certainly the place to build wealth in charge but is somehow tempered by the action of regulatory institutions, the social dimension which is the cultural hub of the EPP, is not only the answer must be provided also in Italy and in much of Europe, is certainly an answer that is in full harmony with the traditional values \u200b\u200bof the Italian right and the traditional values \u200b\u200bof many of the Italian political forces that come together and give life to the PDL. And always in these answers to questions that are not questions of poco conto, il valore rappresentato nell´ambito del Ppe dalla laicità delle istituzioni. Quel Ppe che da tempo non è più un´internazionale di tipo democratico-cristiano. Laicità delle istituzioni che non può significare in alcun modo negare il magistero della Chiesa, men che meno la dimensione che per definire un´identità di popolo ha l´aspetto religioso. La laicità delle istituzioni significa - perché è un pilastro della nostra cultura occidentale da almeno due secoli - netta separazione, non soltanto come ha detto giustamente ieri Berlusconi "nessun tipo di collateralismo", ma soprattutto affermazione chiara ed esplicita circa il confine che deve separare la sfera privata rispetto a quella religiosa. Perché a truly secular state is at the same time recognizing the value of religion but places the value of religion in the choices that are of individual and personal, can not be chosen to institutional.
is why, we could cite other examples, the PDL can only be, as they said Gasparri and Matteoli, a culturally plural party. Let me say that should not and can not be a right-wing party, it must be a party where certain values \u200b\u200bare the right yeast, are the value added, are the element that is capable of producing a summary of policy and to make a leap forward in the ability of the party, not only to imagine the future of Italy, but di costruirlo. Un contenitore ampio, arioso, plurale, inclusivo, interclassista, aperto, certamente unitario. Unitario però non può significare "a pensiero unico", perché c´è una contraddizione in termini tra popolo della libertà e pensiero unico. Unitario ma con la pluralità delle opinioni. Un partito certamente democratico, un partito in cui vi siano regole - e lo statuto che Ignazio La Russa ha letto dà queste garanzie - ma altrettanto certamente che mai e poi mai dovrà pensarsi e organizzarsi secondo la degenerazione della democrazia che è la correntocrazia. Lo voglio dire a tutti coloro che entreranno nel Pdl: nessuno pensi all´interno del Pdl di costituire la corrente di An. Perché se questo dovesse essere the goal, my friends, it was worth then consume this time? Was not it more useful and appropriate - if you think you can affect and determine what Quelch in terms of handling logic of power - held a party, an instrument of ten or twelve per cent? The PDL can not and must not have the current organization must have a healthy exchange of ideas and opinions, of solutions to the problems of today and even more problems tomorrow. Then a party but not organized in the democratic currents, but not a single thought unit, a party that can be configured so because it has strong leadership recognized.
I think there was an excess of stucchevolezza in the debate that has so far accompanied - A leader is one, the two leaders are, what does Fini - my friends the PDL has a leader called Berlusconi. It is quite evident. After that, Berlusconi knows that a strong and recognized leadership in no case be the cult of personality. Why is one thing to be a leader, it is one thing to think that only those leaders can make a contribution of ideas, commitment, solutions, policies, guidelines summary. After that I said and I confirm: the leaders are not baptized, the leaders are not created at the table, leaders are born at the same time we have the political skills and there are those who aspire to lead a community . The problem of An and the PDL can not be that of leadership. Il problema semmai deve essere di garantire che il Pdl sia non il partito di una persona ma il partito di una nazione. Che il Pdl sia la capacità di dare le risposte e di individuare un progetto per l´Italia.
Perché dobbiamo farlo il Pdl? perché noi dobbiamo immaginare l´Italia fra dieci o quindici anni. E siccome siamo forza di governo, dobbiamo cominciare a costruirla. Come si fa? Altro che testimonianza delle memorie del passato. Vuol dire essere coscienti dei problemi che il paese ha. Vuol dire ad esempio chiedersi quale forma istituzionale debba avere. Mi auguro che questa legislatura sia una legislatura costituente perché l´Italia rischia di avere il passo ancor più lento rispetto a quello di altri paesi europei se non gives rise to a reform of its constitutional framework that can overcome a beautiful image of Censis a few years ago. According to those researchers Italy looked like a bumble bee, that could fly nearly winning the laws of physics, it seemed impossible and even got up from the ground. Then for a certain period of time a sort of chrysalis, the eternal transition. The PDL if it is to imagine Italy tomorrow and begin to build it must get it out there in the butterfly chrysalis. We have an institutional system that is outdated and can not be only a step in forgetting the inner consistency of a system. It is necessary that there is in this legislature, not so much a fresh start on reforms institutions but that there is more awareness that is necessary to entrust the chief executive who is chosen democratically and freely by the voters the right and duty to govern, the more you have to say for the Parliament's role to check. The presidential system is an essential point of call for modern Italy, but the presidential system can not be a Parliament that is put into a corner and in which you chide not to disturb the operator. Parliament must again become the place of the control. Perhaps fewer laws in Parliament, but more power to control, more power to address, because that really work democracies that are oriented in the presidential duties or semi-presidenziale. Negli Stati uniti, l´inquilino della Casa Bianca è il capo dell´esecutivo più potente del mondo, ma al tempo stesso c´è un Congresso che ha un ruolo centrale, un ruolo di controllo, un ruolo di indirizzo.
Una riforma istituzionale è indispensabile per un´Italia più moderna. È indispensabile perché ci sia, dopo il federalismo attuato a livello fiscale, a livello di amministrazioni, un federalismo di tipo istituzionale. Ma che cosa aspetta il Pdl a intavolare nel Parlamento e nel paese una discussione anche con l´opposizione su una politica di riforma istituzionale che rafforzi entrambi i poteri, esecutivo e legislativo? Che cosa aspetta il Parlamento a decretare la fine del bipolarismo perfetto? Non ce li possiamo permettere due rami del Parlamento con identiche funzioni e identici poteri. Il problema non è solamente quello dei regolamenti parlamentari che son datati, è che il tempo per varare una legge è mediamente il doppio rispetto a quello degli altri paesi, per tutti quei meccanismo che fanno sì che se una legge viene modificata di una sola virgola deve tornare nell´altro ramo. E allora una Camera che dà la fiducia, una Camera che ha un grande potere di controllo e di indirizzo e l´altra che rappresenti il territorio, le autonomie, le regioni, che rappresenti quel federalismo diffuso che c´è. Una forma istituzionale nuova. L´Italia tra quindici anni va pensata anche nel suo ruolo internazionale nel suo role euro-Mediterranean partnership, because that is the fate of Italian in a European policy in recent times - perhaps could not be otherwise given the Union of twenty-seven and given the difficulties the EU without the Lisbon Treaty - seems to have lost consciousness that the Mediterranean is the heart of much of Western culture, is the heart of all who may be moments of confrontation and, God forbid, of confrontation with other civilizations. Think
idea of \u200b\u200bItaly in the Mediterranean and think at the same time for the next ten years what will be the degree of cohesion Nord-Sud. The issue of our South can not disappear from the political debate. And I mean the avoidance no mistake: the danger is not federalism. Indeed, in some aspects of fiscal federalism represents an opportunity for empowerment of the southern ruling class. Perhaps, if well implemented, federalism will be just the pick that will blow some logical patronage, some logical para-mafia. But the problem is the weakness of our South of the State. Because there is no doubt that the North-South competition, competition in the Mediterranean, the South may see a player only if the state is present. As for the construction of infrastructure and with regard to the guarantee of legality. I wish that we build together the PDL is present on the occasion of those great events that occasionally take place in the South as it did yesterday in Naples in the name of law and in the name of fighting the mafia. Why is not the prerogative of a party, because it is foolish to think that it can be only one part to raise those flags, because our social cohesion and southern Italy will only be granted if the State in the South will be with absolute certainty as to infrastructure gap that must be removed. And with absolute firmness with regard to its legality. And yet think of a project for Italy's future in its institutional form, its location in the Mediterranean, in the national cohesion that has to give a positive leading role in the South, designed in its economic arrangements as the crisis there, because nobody knows what is before us. Why understanding the confrontation between the majority and opposition due I believe that the PDL is to address the problem of how to translate the new testament that is not the only north-south agreement is the covenant between categories, is the compact between generations. Why Italy or save the whole of the crisis or may not be saved. And I think we should take back that assumption I made on other occasions, in different guise, then speaking as chairman of the House. The government is right to make its own choices and the opposition accuses of course and somehow contrasts other ideas, other ideas, but if we are really aware of the extent of the crisis, we do not exclude those states to give life to the general economy, that confrontation between social partners, employers, lands from which they can possibly get out a shared vision and in some expect a positive solution to a crisis which concerns not this or that aspect of society, but that is all our society.
So this is a great task, imagine Italy fifteen years and begin to build it. A big task for a large political movement, a great political movement of people that certainly there is, the percentage of agreement is high, but also a political movement of ideas, proposals, sintesi. E questa è la sfida. Non portare la nostra identità, non portare la nostra bandiera, ma portare la nostra capacità di leggere la società italiana e di individuare ciò che è necessario per dare una risposta ai problemi.
Sarebbe una dimostrazione di enorme miopia pensare al Popolo della libertà soltanto con l´ottica della fusione di organigrammi. Anche a costo di apparire presuntuoso, di farmi sfottere dai giornalisti domani, lasciatemi citare De Gaulle: «La politique d´abord, l´intendence suivra». Come saranno organizzate le federazioni o come sarà organizzato il nuovo partito è certamente importante, ma non può essere l´oggetto dell´attenzione, della preoccupazione, e men che meno la ragione per la quale si va convintamente nel Pdl. Perché la questione è innanzitutto quale progetto per l´Italia di domani, quali idee, quali politiche, quali sintesi, quali provocazioni se si vuole. Ci dobbiamo mettere tutti in discussione, a partire da me. Sono cosciente, accetto la sfida. Tutti in discussione. Per qualcuno verranno meno le rendite di posizione, per qualche altro si apriranno delle opportunità forse inaspettate, positive, ma la sfida va affrontata. Siamo coscienti. Non dobbiamo aver paura nemmeno che questa alleanza, questo incontro, questo fatto storico possa in qualche modo annacquare l´identità, farcela perdere. C´è stato una sorta di mantra autoconsolatorio, che ho sentito tante volte. È rightly so, but beware - my friends - there were some doubts in Fiuggi. Someone even went, because he thought it was impossible to keep creating an identity for the National Alliance. Then someone in the name of the identity sought other avenues have proved of lanes closed. Closed but not by the nomenclature, closed by the voters. The voters have chosen April 18, there was our symbol on the card, and then there was the PDL who proudly said "I'm right." And the result is known.
identity is not like the blanket, autoconsolatoria. The identity is not guaranteed with the high-sounding slogan, with the declamation, with more or less muscular rhetoric of propaganda. The identity, when it is based on values, must be able to give answers, state of the roads, to steer a path, and is the reason why we should not worry about the PDL of our identity. We have to worry about the identity of the Italians in ten, fifteen years because the polar star is one we have spoken about the love for our land, love for our country, the challenge is: how Italy will be in ten years, what will be the identity that will have our country. And we must begin to build that identity, combining modernity e tradizione che è da sempre, in qualche modo, il binario obbligato della destra italiana. E, badate, le sfide ci sono. Sono enormi. Io vorrei che il Pdl non si confrontasse tra ex An e Forza Italia e gli ex degli altri partiti, io vorrei che il Pdl cominciasse a tentare di fornire risposte ad alcuni problemi che bussano già alla porta, che in alcuni casi sono già entrati. Non è forse vero che la nostra società tra dieci, quindici anni sarà molto diversa da quella che è oggi? E che sarà per la prima volta nella storia del popolo italiano una società multietnica, una società multireligiosa? Quando ci si confronta con la questione della immigrazione, non lo si può fare soltanto con la logica - pur giusta - di chi vuole more order more security and, therefore, that we necessarily want to be the expulsion of illegals.
This is not the issue. The real big issue is that we are in a country that has always demographically older and that will inevitably be more and more people in the near future will be without Italian children of Italian, with other stories behind it, with other identities, other cultures . It is a great challenge that Italy has never lived than other countries. It is a challenge that is essential to be clear to distinguish assimilation from integration. Be clear about the important meaning of the language, be clear that a multiethnic society tends necessarily a essere una società di tipo multireligioso, il che non vuol dire ovviamente dar vita a una sorta di agnosticismo. Da questo punto di vista l´identità del popolo italiano in termini religiosi è chiaramente orientata a quello che è l´insegnamento cristiano e cattolico. Ma ci sarà sempre di più il confronto con altre religioni in Italia. Una società multirazziale, una società che pone dei problemi in termini educativi, in termini di garanzie, di diritti, perché se vogliamo essere coerenti con quel che diciamo, se il primato è sempre e solo della persona umana, risulta poi evidente che non puoi discriminare - se il primato è della persona umana - se si tratta di un immigrato, fosse anche clandestino.
È una grande sfida, è una sfida che non si affronta con la retorica, non si affronta con lo slogan, non si affronta mostrando i muscoli, si affronta se c´è con la capacità di pensare, di dare una risposta in termini culturali. Guardate ciò che accade fuori dai nostri confini. Anche perché come se non bastasse una società sempre più multietnica, nel cuore del Mediterraneo, pone a noi italiani il problema del tutto nuovo del rapporto con l´Islam. E pone il problema del rapporto con l´Islam in un momento in cui il crinale tra scontro tra civiltà e il dialogo tra le civiltà è ancora incerto con tutto ciò che ne consegue. Da questo punto di vista, credo che sia evidente che l´integralismo, ogni forma di integralismo, is a powerful additive for those who work in the prospect of a clash of civilizations. And I do not think the PDL, the party of 40 percent, he wants to imagine the future of our country in ten years or less may unwittingly take sides in a logic of confrontation. We must necessarily encourage an interview, to promote understanding in respect - of course - of identity, but in a policy that is based on the repudiation of any notion of superiority or fundamentalism.
is a cultural challenge - my friends - and the Italian Left in these matters has not yet been able to provide convincing answers. Now it's up to us. The consensus is wrong and also because it has the capacity to intercept not only fears, but to intercept and respond positively to the hopes of the Italians. And yet, what it means to think of Italy in ten, fifteen years? It means thinking about what can cause the spread ever wider in society than it is rightly called moral relativism, the lack of principles, the confusion that is increasingly made between what is right and what is not is. And I think the answer in terms of culture, in terms of education, starting from the youngest, must be disclosed in our part of what I like to call an ethic, an ethic of republican responsibilities, which is most evident at an ideal pantheon, as much it was discussed, not the right, but a pantheon of Italian society in the next decade there should be those figures right in the name of duty and institutions have given their lives. Do not you fight relativism, "who makes me do it", not the most distinguishing what is right from what is not, if not saying the ethics of duty and the prize that a company must necessarily be able to recognize those who sacrifice themselves for that duty. And I thank those who, I think it was Fabio Granata, wanted to remember - when speaking of identity - a proud activist in Fuan, many years ago: the national purse. We remember him because he was not militant Fuan.
And again, without getting bored, think that Italy is to begin tomorrow to ask questions of this nature. There is a clear act in the crisis of liberal capitalism. It is unthinkable to the crisis of liberal democracies? Because who knows history knows that the two structures have been born and have grown together. And what's the answer that should come from Italy? An Italy that can not be merely a suburb, but should be back to the forge where ideas are born, the place that feeds a debate that is not only within national boundaries. And yet, there is a risk of social atomization. It is not only the cohesion debate on North-South, are increasingly close relations that bind Italians between them, even fathers with their children. It is essential that a common self-interest is opposed equally widespread practice of solidarity. And once again, is not a question of culture, is a political challenge. And how, as an initiative to translate it into law, so that the PDL is the pillar of the Italian Government and will be expected for the entire term and perhaps for the next. We can not manage a political consensus against the current opposition. We try to manage the consent of Dream of Italy tomorrow and if anything, proving that the current opposition does not know how to give the answers because maybe not imagine Italy tomorrow.
Here, they are not easy challenges. They are certainly difficult challenges, challenges are you can not deal with the logic of the party that has the self-defined scope of consent. If the task had been to then we might as well keep An, is hope that the 12 becomes 13, 14. Not answer the challenge that the future already leads in every home and every home within the European Union with the logic of those who is still closely with the head in the last century. And it is a reason why we must overcome the Pillars of Hercules, we must think big, fly high. We must try to provide the answers the Italian company needs. You may obtain the consent of fueling the fear, you must obtain the consent by offering hope and the certainty with a coherent, able to build that future. I think this is the great task of the PDL, a great movement of people, which must be both a great movement of ideas. It will be the most difficult challenge: to demonstrate that not really changed much since 1946, but since 1994. In `94 we, the sons of the exiles to their homeland were called to come to terms with their past.
Today, the protagonists in the country, we are called to begin An deal with the Italians tomorrow. It is a completely different perspective, is a great historical mission to be lived with enthusiasm, those who enter the PDL credono.Entrino those who really love Italy. Enter those who believe in the goodness of their and our ideas, because let me conclude with a slogan of our youth, with the simplicity and yet effectiveness slogan: If you are afraid to say that the ideas are worth nothing or you believe or not is nothing those who are afraid. Do not be afraid of the future, we must be aware of the possibility of building it right now. We must lay the heart beyond the obstacle, and work with the same tenacity with which we have done for so many years. Today ends the National Alliance, founded the People of Liberty, continues our love for Italy.

GIANFRANCO FINI

Pokesav Requirements Desmume

The Watchmen and the "Atomic Pea." "Who does per se, is for three." "When Ammmmmore wins on the injury." SAMSUNG

Dear Friends ... I find myself here at the keyboard of my pc to make you partecipi di un'esperienza cinematografica a dir poco frustrante. Ieri sera mi son detto ... "perché non andare a vedere l'osannatto the watchmen al cinema?" Ce stanno i supereroi nuovi ... quelli che sino ad oggi il cinema ci aveva tenuto nascosti (e ne aveva ben donde). Così, armi in spalla, siamo partiti alla volta di Brindisi, presso il multisala che, tra "i migliori cinema" mondiali, si fregiava (come da spot) di essere l'alcova di cotanto capolavoro. Il film apre con un ormai 67 enne Edward Blake detto "il Comico" (e francamente non si capisce perché) che, in tenuta casalinga (mutandoni bianchi e maglietta della salute), mentre fuma con l'immancabile sigaro in bocca (che richiama il ricorrente messaggio subliminale del film) viene picchiato a sangue da un losco figuro. Lo scontro tra i due, intervallato da estenuanti flashback alla "non si capisce un cazzo" si conclude, dopo circa 1 ora e 40 minuti, con il Comico che vola giù dalla finestra (anche il volo con il fottuti flashback) e che atterra spiaccicato sull'asfalto, con il pubblico che fa la ola!!! La polizia, manco a dirsi, brancola nel buio, non sa che pesci prendere (non come "Spettro di Seta" che, a un certo punto, ne becca addirittura tre ... ma questa è un'altra storia) e si rassegna all'inevitabile fallimento. La morte del "Comico" rischierebbe di rimanere inspiegata (risparmiandoci ben 2 ore e 45 min di film) se non fosse per il Supercosoeroepsicopatico "Rorschach", l'eroe surly and enigmatic that it makes his cock: you think it does provide for a myriad of questions which, alas, remain largely unresolved. When it came out, I, personally, I asked myself: 1) but what the fuck is this? 2) but says that crap? 3) why he wears a sock stuffed with a spot shot in the face? 4) How the fuck do you see? 5) if that other was the Comedy, this puppet as they had the audacity to call it? Okay, the puppet does not fail to present itself as a "Rorschach" and, among countless bullshit - provided, however, on a boring diary - suggests to be an uncompromising ... Povia to put it in, or you're male, female or six, I know what the fuck ste-way di mezzo? Cmq il tormentato indaga e va a rompere gli zebbedei a Dan Dreiberg, detto "Gufo Notturno II" (visto che 1 non bastava). Questi veste esclusivamente in giacca da camera; dice di essere ricco (per fare il fico con Spettro di Seta II) ma, in realtà, vive come un pezzente; c'ha un costume scopiazzato da batman che, per problemi di SIAE ha chiamato Gufo Notturno. Orbene, questo tizio è davvero uno sfigato: indossa degli occhialoni con le lentone di vetro, sostituiti, quando esce in esplorazione, con degli occhialetti da piscina che vedono pure il cippone ca sta caccia l'ua quannu stai cu essi! Vabbé, questi vuole spupazzarsi Laurie Juspeczyk, alias Spettro di Seta II, ma ci sta molto sotto, perché quest'ultima spupazza Jon Osterman, said "Dr Manhattan", also known as "Atomic Pea" for his undoubted talents supernatural. Think that is capable of doubling and gunshots with Silk Spectre with two Pisellone atomic bomb while riding for "Ozymandias", you waxing your ass electric leads unquestionably gay sexual experiments with Adrian Veidt (aka, in fact, Ozymandias - the superhero Pià fastest in the world think a little bit), putting a horn with a bunny atomic, in the midst of an orgy rabbity to see who is faster, played More Brain Training on Nintendo DS, prove your brain age and cries tears depleted uranium, while looking for the 15th time in Titanic with Leonardo Caprio and Kate Wislet that, precisely because of the fat, determines the terrible disaster. Think a little bit that possibility can never have the Nite Owl II against such a titan of organized sex, the dream of every nymphomaniac dazed and hungry for new experiences to "the famio strange?" Verdone. Yet the beefy turn sends him to fuck off when he realizes that, although the atomic pea has been split in two, is doing other things at once, without considering all other atomic Peas to make her happy. So he leaves and goes to the owl that welcomes with open arms. She tries, he tries, we try again, but he does not fire ... Excellent choice Silk Spectre! Do not shine for some intelligence! You are gone from the dream of all nymphomaniacs, the nightmare of the middle-aged wife on the verge of menopause, long before it was invented Viagra! The fact is that he tells, the famio strange? and you say, fuck it, just that you are ppinza! And if he dresses up as Owl, salt on the shuttle and the shotgun in the sky. Meanwhile Rorschach was arrested (while stuck at home looking for clues, which nientepocodimeno Morlock). Morlock died and the police are there waiting for him. He, at first, makes its way by force of flaming farts, then is shot down by a swarm of police and thrown in jail. The two pornoeroi, meanwhile, decided to do so to escape from prison, where, in the meantime, a revolt erupted. So our shoot some cazzottone, the free companion and decamped all fat, bloated and gorged. Adrian Veidt, meanwhile, the struggle for peace ... Pea atomic offends and goes to Mars even as between the U.S. and Russia are strengthening the Cold War, movements of troops, the arms race and the exchange of phrases like "move to DEFCON 1" ... but Mr. President if there n'culano these mo ... I do not care ... atomic pea mo comes and if we all bum him! Pea Electric, meanwhile, outraged by the betrayal, he builds a thing of art and glass flying to Mars. At one point, inkazzato if Piia the Silk Spectre II and takes it on Mars, hoping to win her back. She, however, spits in his face that when it asked him to go to the moon, speaking figuratively! So do not ever give it to him. He resigned, he begins to imagine a future with Adrian Veidt, with whom he intends to "build peace" and sends her to fuck off, returning to earth, just when you discover that the bad guy is just Adrian. These, inkazzato for the absolute lack of interest in atomic pea against him and resigned to single life, manifests all the atomic bombs built to put the blame on the latter. It kills a casino, despite the Owl and the SuperZoccola well try to stop him. The fact is that the world is united under one banner, against Pea Atomic and find peace. Pea atomic resigned to the inevitable Adrian and decides not to reveal the plan to hold fast to the peace. Adrian is happy because it will reinforce a "beautiful friendship" with the titanium atom. The only one who opposes that Rorschach is clearly "falling in love with Atomic Pea," says no ... I do not accept compromises! Do not share with anyone and the secret of Adrian (the gaiety of course) will be unveiled to the world. Thus, impelled by an irresistible instinct against homosexual Adrian, the Superbatacchio electric, of course so i will butt er, sock and kills the man he returns from his ammmore. All this interspersed with inexplicable flashback ... Kennedy's murder by the "Comedy" (bah!) and some boring intermezzo tra Spettro di Seta madre e Spettro di Seta figlia che si contendono il Gufetto impotente, mentre rimembrano le violenze carnali perpetrate dal Comico ai loro danni. La pace regna sovrana ... il mondo non sa più che cazzo fare ... Tutti sono uniti contro il Pisellone ... Tutto sembra mettersi per il meglio, finché non viene rinvenuto il diario segreto di Uomo calzinato, contenente le foto sconce che ritraggono il Pisello Atomico e Ozymandias mentre sedimentano la pace a suon di alzabandiera dopo il picchettamento su per il culo veloce di quest'ultimo. Il Film lancia un forte messaggio ... ma io non l'ho proprio carpito!

Milena Velba De Fotky

BELIEVE IN IDEAS THAT BECOME ACTIONS!

Today, the Provincial Congress of the National Alliance, have been elected by the delegates to represent members of the party at the next National Congress of 20 and 21 March and the Constituent Congress of the People of Freedom party of 26 and 27 March.

Besides the extreme satisfaction to be able to represent the Citadel Club of being part of the 6000 national delegates of the National Alliance and Forza Italy, my appointment with the certainty that the Italian people showed an unconditional desire for bipolar and has already chosen the path of the election to be right People of Freedom.

then express my personal reviews of what elements are needed to characterize the presence of militants of the National Alliance party in the nascent in terms of behavior and policy proposal.

In my opinion, our community will be able to bring the new political entity emerging that feeling of positive renewal request, to defend the ideas and proposed actions that since the Congress and in Fiuggi of these fifteen years the National Alliance, a party founded on the legacy of the Italian Social Movement, had the capacity to provide for Italian citizens.

Alliance National Freedom of the People will then take on

• defend the Italian nation by promoting the intellectual integrity and honesty, offering a political-economic system and a Federal Presidential Republic;

• ensure social justice, addressing the different economic groups without gentrify qualunquistiche positions, but favoring drastic decisions to solve the problems of the lower classes;

• support the family, where the first social group to develop the personality of a city ensuring freedom, information and services with the aim of increasing the desire for sharing, integration and socialization of the individual;

• promote research, development and industrialization, while protecting the environment by giving breath the strong fundamentals of the nation that until now have allowed the Italian people an acceptable general welfare;

• fight the logic of a system based on purely personal interests to avoid the risk of aberrant People of Freedom becomes in a container lobby without a shared code base and clean.

Last but not least the leaders of the National Alliance will prove to be worthy to accompany the base of the party, strongly attached to values \u200b\u200band ideals of the Social Movement, the People's Republic, in memory of the struggle waged in the name of freedom and democracy for so many militants also tragically disappeared.

So, to translate the concepts in simple terms the community of the National Alliance does not gentrify, must speak to the workers and not only to traders, industrialists and professionals, how does someone who speaks only to those who can develop a mutual interest and personalist.

must be able to hear the problems of the unemployed and precarious.

must combine the needs of young people with the needs of the elderly.

to worry about finding solutions to the insecurities and uncertainties of the People, with concrete proposals, not fomenting dissent classes as weak as the left is doing, and not riding iperbolizzando negative feelings of the citizens how does someone without asking any decisive goal just to maintain a high number of protest votes.

Society must change in a positive way with the help of the People of Freedom and our community to be a leader and guarantor of this change, simply by believing in the ideas that become actions, as had the intelligence to say, Ezra Pound.

In the final analysis it is necessary to reiterate that to be strong and representative of what we say and what we do, we must introduce in the National Alliance of People of Freedom unit, to a kind of perfect comradeship, so that the Our dignity can not be scratched from the dangerous pitfalls that a container marked by different political souls may suggest.

Ing.Luigi Sabatino